Lorenzo’s Oil Movie Review Essay

The movie, â€Å"Lorenzo’s Oil†, was about a family that found out that their son had been diagnosed with a rare, genetic disorder of which was considered incurable. The sex-linked disorder ALD, passed on by the x-chromosome, of which is usually accompanied by the unfortunate fate of death, has also been known to bring forth muteness, blindness, comas, seizures, and deafness. With no known cure for ALD, or any possible way of escaping its final result (death), doctors would use a special treatment to prevent any further deterioration of the brain, depending of course on the severity of the damage done prior to treatment. In Lorenzo’s case, the disorder had already corrupted too large of an area of his brain so the treatment given by the doctors would have been of little help to him. In most cases, death occurs nine months after diagnosis, however, Lorenzo’s parents refused to let death be his only option and they did their best to find another treatment to help their boy. This movie relates to chemistry in many ways, especially in the sense that there were chemical imbalances observed and the reactions of these imbalances were noted for future reference. As a major component in the medical field, chemistry is used in producing new solutions, observing their reactions, and testing the effectiveness of these solutions in treating or curing various illnesses. This is shown when Lorenzo’s parents continuously perform their experiments of mixing various substances and noting their ability to lower fat build-up in hopes of finding a cure to their son’s diminishing health. If put under the same circumstances that Lorenzo’s parents were put under, I believe that I would go to the same lengths in attempting to find some kind of treatment for my child. I think that my maternal instinct to care and protect my child would be too strong for me to just sit back and watch my child suffer, and honestly, seeing my child helpless and constantly struggling to live would be more than enough reason to do my best in finding something to ease, if not cure, my child’s illness. Whether or not I had been gifted with the knowledge needed to find such a remedy, I would still want to do all that I could for my child, even if it meant risking my life to save hers, and if nothing could be done, I would be sure to stay by my  child’s side at all times. However, one thing that I would never do would be to tell the doctors to end the life support given to my child. Even if that was the only way to end her suffering, I would rather let nature run its course than to feel guilty at finalizing the action of which would â€Å"help† her (according to other’s opinions who have no idea what she is going through) and feeling like a murderer of my own flesh and blood. When Lorenzo’s parents had made the discovery of a tonic, powerful enough to soothe the symptoms of ALD and lower the fat build-up, they did the right thing in immediately relaying the information of their treatment to doctors in hopes of saving other patients suffering as their son was. However, I feel that the doctors abused their powers as medical authorities in neglecting to accept the remedy, or even look into the composition of the remedy to find their own evidence of the effectiveness and ability to cure of the treatment. As doctors, their duty is to aid and assist the patients and to inform the patient’s families of every option available to ensure that they, as professionals in the medical field, did all that they could to cure or save their patients. However, by refusing to investigate the medicine or give the patients the option of trying this new innovation, the doctors neglected fulfilling their duty to its fullest extent and deprived their patients of anot her possible chance at survival. It is understood that all possible treatments produced are tested for months to confirm their effectiveness at combating ailments, of which is a very beneficial procedure to all. Lorenzo’s parents conducted numerous tests on their tonic’s working ability did and were aware of all possible reactions of their product. They felt confident in its positive benefits, which is why I feel they were so insistent at giving the medicine to other patients. I doubt that Lorenzo’s parents would have passed on such a treatment without knowing all the effects of their remedy, especially since they used the exact same medicine on their own child. However, I do not understand why the doctors would have been so set on refusing outside influences. I believe that one change made to the current system could be for doctors to be more willing to accept suggestions given to them, whether the suggestion be proposed by a medical professional or not. As shown in the movie, helpful information and innovations can be given by people other than medical authorities, such as  dedicated parents, like those of Lorenzo. Another change to the system would be to make medici nes more affordable to ensure everyone the same chance at living a long and healthy life. Even though technology has improved in the field of medicines and researchers have become more educated in areas of which they had once been clueless and lost, the medical field still has yet to be perfected. Many diseases and disorders are still considered mysterious, with very little knowledge known about them, and undiscovered. Until researchers educate themselves of every aspect of these controlling â€Å"monsters†, people will continue to suffer from such ailments. However, with better funding for the investigation of these unknown illnesses, knowledge will be obtained more quickly and long-awaited innovations will be found, an advantage to many, if not all. Researchers being more open-minded and more welcome to outside suggestions and ideas would also help in solving medical problems. They could also try to be more accurate in diagnosing sicknesses to ensure that patients are given the proper treatment and care needed to combat a specific ailment. Although changes to the procedures and actions in the medical field could be made, changes concerning those involved in the well-being of mankind would also need to be made. Unless researchers, doctors, and others capable of saving mankind are more willing to listen to outside ideas and perform their jobs to their fullest extent, the goal of being more powerful than these tricky, microscopic demons, of which for centuries have left us confused and bewildered at their amazing ability to conquer our bodies for their own use, will continue to be unaccomplished.

Puberty Mini Essay

Puberty Mini Essay There are many factors that affect the timing of puberty. A large factor is genetics, because it later causes the onset of other factors as well. It’s said that maturation and puberty are determined by genetic forces and can be different depending on ethnicity as well. Children in the US seem to mature and hit puberty faster than Asian Americans, while African Americans are ahead of the US. Massimo Mangino, author from the Twin Research Department at King's, says: â€Å"It is fascinating how common genetic variants influence both early puberty and weight gain. With that said obesity is another factor and is becoming an epidemic in this country. Obesity can almost guarantee the girl will have an early start into puberty and can later lead to a higher risk of psychological problems, risk-taking behavior, and even future breast cancer. But the opposite effect of obesity on pubertal timing may occur in boys. Studies have shown that early maturing boys seem to h ave a lower rate of obesity when compared with boys with normally or later timed puberty. Another factor is anxiety/stress.When there is a higher level of stress on the child it tends to prompt the body to send the hypothalamic signal and cause the child to reach puberty at a younger age than normal. Since this sends the child into early puberty, it can affect them with aggression and antisocial behavior as well later on. But on the other side of this, it can also delay puberty as well; it typically relies on the type of stress and the environment of the stress. If the living conditions are poor and there is little food, the stress can lead to a delay of maturation.Early puberty onset for females can be much more damaging than later onset. Females who start puberty early are at higher risk for problems and cancer later in life and usually have a negative body image as well. Earlier puberty onset for males is not as damaging as it is on females though. Sometimes it is seen as a head start in some cultures. If the male is strong and larger than his peers he is looked up to. If the male has a later onset of puberty he may have a different appearance than his peers and may be picked one which can cause a negative body image as well.Works Cited Belsky, Janet (2010). Experiencing the Lifespan (2th Ed). New York: Worth Publishers Yuen, F. The Onset of Puberty. http://www. soc. hawaii. edu/leonj/409as98/yuen/famr499. html Walvoord, E. (2010). The Timing of Puberty: Is it changing? Does It Matter? Journal of Adolescent Health, 1–7. (Kings College London, 2010) Researchers discover common genetic variants influence early puberty, body fat. http://www. news-medical. net/news/20101122/Researchers-discover-common-genetic-variants-influence-early-puberty-body-fat. aspx

Bureaucratic Control System

In this assignment I will be discussing the discrepancy from the Sandwich Blitz scenario that I watched. I will also be discussing how the issue could have been avoided, how the Bureaucratic Control System could be applied, and the steps with the system. There was an issue with the supervisor allowing an employee to report time that wasnt worked in that specific pay period. By having a control system in place will mitigate many discrepancies that could possibly occur because there would be protocol and disciplinary actions. The bureaucratic Control system is designed to measure progress toward set performance goals and to apply corrective measures. This is essential in running any business. How can you run a business without structure? With this system there are rules and standards that needs to be followed. This is where the four steps of the control system come into play. Setting performance standards is the first step in the control system. These standards clarify what is to be expected from staff. In the case of Sandwich Blitz, Dalman and Lei had no standards put in place so the employees didnt know what was expected of them. This enabled the supervisor to allow a staff member to report hours that were not yet earned. Measuring performance is the second step in the control process. Its basically developing methods to collect and organize what is going on within the company. This is definitely a step that needs to be taken with Dalman and Lei. They need to have a sit down and see what is going on with their payroll. See how much damage that had been done thus far. I would suggest that their middle management report submit lower level staff time on a weekly basis so it can be accounted for accordingly. Comparing performance with the standard, in my words is evaluating the standards that were put in place. This step was actually taken in Sandwich Blitz because this is how Lei identified the discrepancy with the unpaid time. By evaluating employees performance there could be an evaluation for preset standards. Applying this process, Dalman and Lei can see what works for their business and what dont work for them. The last and fourth step is talking action to correct problems and reinforce successes. The in-text meaning of this is to ensure that operations are adjusted to achieve the planned results or to continue exceeding the plain if the manager determines that is possible. (BatmanSnell, 2009 P297) In other words its stating that once the standards are set and we take corrective action to ensure that the methods and standards are corresponding. In summary, following the bureaucratic control system is needed to regulate. Rules and regulations must be put in place to evade unnecessary issues A business needs a formalized structure such as bureaucracy. Standards are the top of the list for me because once that is in place the blue print of operation is in order. Along with follow up and righting wrong, everything else is smooth sailing.

Poem Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Poem - Essay Example It is a plausible assertion to make that the â€Å"voice† in the poem is that of William Stafford who is presenting a realistic account to the reader. Of much significance is the tone of the poem and how Stafford chooses to address his audience. What may appear as the poet’s indifference towards the dead deer is soon transformed into sympathy as he touches the animal’s belly and feels the warmth of the life that is growing inside of her. The seemingly compassionate nature of this action, however, is short lived as the progress towards the fourth stanza of the poem brings into light the inner conflicts of the speaker. "It is usually best to roll them into the canyon: that road is narrow; to swerve might make more dead† (Stafford 11): the speaker had initially thought upon encountering the deer that her carcass must be removed from the path of traffic, but he soon drifted into his thoughts before the action could materialize. In this moment in the poem the to ne shifts to a display of sympathy, however, the poet’s removal of the deer as he had aimed to do is a representation of the ironic tone of the poem which reappears in the forefront towards the departure of the blank verse. The symbolism of the word â€Å"Dark† is a notion which is central to the literary work. Even though, the literal meaning of the term is obvious from the title itself the figurative meaning of the word holds the immense significance due to its multidimensional interpretations. Stafford’s use of the word â€Å"Dark† represents shock, confusion, destruction, threat, struggle, death, destiny, and even failure; humanity’s failure to synchronize and harmonize what it invented and what God created. Like the dead deer lying on the edge of Wilson River road, death is the fate of every living creature, and this is a fact that cannot be denied. Therefore, the darkness in the literary work is also the darkness of death. The beauty of the i magery used by Stafford in the poem is that the poet allows it to be open for interpretation rather than being unequivocally clear about its purpose and intention in the context of the literary work. An intriguing line with respect to this observation says, â€Å"I stood in the glare of the warm exhaust turning red† (Stafford 11), where the reader is provided with the liberty to imagine the poet standing against his car with red light on his face. Certainly, this image can be interpreted in numerous ways, primarily because the connotations associated with this depiction can be comprehended as a plethora of emotions. If the red light is believed to be indicating danger then what or who is in danger? Is it the incoming cars that might meet with an accident if the poet decides that the animal carcass should not be removed? Or is it humanity itself which is in jeopardy as it refuses to mend its ways and revere nature as it is meant to be revered? Furthermore, the imagery of the à ¢â‚¬Å"warm exhaust turning red† can also be associated with the emotions being felt by the speaker himself; these emotions that range from confusion, aggression to even embarrassment represent the challenges and complexity of the situation. Furthermore, Stafford’s use of imagery in the literary w

Implementation plan Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Implementation plan - Case Study Example In an effort to ensure efficiency, effective project planning is a critical step in the implementation of any project. This involves the definition of tasks for the market, planning, and development teams (Pfeiffer, 2008). Market research was the first main task, which sought to outline the opportunities and the potential challenges in the Qatar market. This is a critical step because businesses need to understand a foreign market well before venturing into its opportunities. After successful market research, the definition of the specifications, which involves the identification of target customers as well as the distribution channels followed. These two tasks are the responsibilities of the marketing team, and marked the first milestone after five weeks. The next steps involved the design of a website and extensive project planning. Project planning in this case involved budget and export planning. The completion of these tasks marked the achievement of the second milestone, which happened in four weeks. The development team was involved in the launching of the product. In the first two weeks, the initial launching was conducted, which was accompanied by rigorous promotional activities. After the in itial launch, the VOSS premium product was then fully launched into different distribution channels that targeted top hotels and restaurants. This marked the third and most important milestone in launching the VOSS brand in Qatar, and took about five weeks. After the full launch, the teams indulged in assessment of the product performance within different distribution channels. Moreover, the product was actively monitored and customer feedback sought by the marketing team (Lodato, 2008). The last three weeks of the project involved analysis of the customer feedback to gain information that would be used in improving the product distribution in Qatar. Pfeiffer, E. (2008). VOSS Water and Retail Expansion:Implications for a

Modern bsuiness in comparative perspective Essay

Modern bsuiness in comparative perspective - Essay Example These include the purchasing power parity, which considers the standards of living of the people in countries under comparison to ascertain their purchasing might and ultimately the measure of GDP. The comparison concludes that some economies are better structured and better performing than the other economies around the world. Some of these better-performing economies have come to be referred to as the major economies of the world with United States, China, the European Union, Germany, and Japan fitting this classification. Questions linger into how they came to attain such a high status in the economic circles and not their peers such as Nigeria, Mexico or Haiti. It is such questions that this essay seeks to address with the major focus on Porter’s national competitive advantage theory in explaining the characteristics and performance of the business systems of major economies. Apart from Porter’s national competitive theory, various theories have been fronted the behaviour, characteristics and performance of business systems of major economies. These theories are referred to as international trade theories. They fall into two categories; that is the historical trade theories also known as classical and mainly centre on the perspective of a country; they are country based. The second category is the modern firm based theories developed in the 20thcentury by theories as a shift from the country-based theories. Among the classical trade, theories include mercantilism theory that asserts a country’s wealth is dependent on its gold, in addition to, silver holdings. The theory holds that the big economies of the world retain their holdings of silver and gold via promotion of exports and hindrance of imports. When the countries are buying more from these big economies instead of selling more to them, they pay the variation in gold as well as silver. The aim of every state is to have a trade surplus and discourage trade

HR plans and the organizational context Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

HR plans and the organizational context - Essay Example HR management can play a role in identifying and analyzing external opportunities and threats that may be crucial to the company's success. It is in a unique position to supply competitive intelligence that may be useful in the strategic planning process. The HR function needs to be treated as a line function. HRM first reared its head in the 1980's with increased globalization of markets and intensified competition (Sisson, 1989, 1990; Blyton and Turnbull, 19941). The globalization of markets was facilitated by an IT- induced communication system and the diversification of the labor market. The international division of labor coupled with the rise and growth of multinational companies saw the emergence of Human Resource Management as a new and key factor in organizational success (Nolan and O'Donnel, 1991)2. HRM is an offshoot of Personnel Management and deals with the practice of identifying and placing the 'right people' people into the 'right' into jobs. Thus the basic gist of HRM lies in tying individual employee empowerment with organization development (Glueck, 1974). 3 The main dimensions of HRM involve the goal of integration (i.e. ... the use of planning a coherent approach in the design and management of personnel systems as an employment policy and manpower strategy, and often underpinned by a philosophy matching welfare and management activities and policies to an explicit business strategy, and seeing the people of the organization as a strategic resource for achieving competitive advantage. Guest in 1987 5outlined the main components of HRM: The main dimensions of HRM involve the goal of integration (i.e. human resources can be integrated into strategic plans, if human resource policies cohere, if line managers have internalized the importance of human resources, and this is reflected in their behaviour and if employees identify with the company, and then the company's strategic plans are likely to be more successfully implemented), the goal of employee commitment, the goal of flexibility/ adaptability (i.e. organic structures, functional flexibility), the goal of quality (i.e. quality of staff, performance, standards and public image. In a nutshell, HRM encompasses all the essential nitty- gritty details which build the foundation of an organization. But HRM should not be considered in a 'stand alone context.' According to Rao, 2001, HRM today ought to be taken in conjunction with external market, labor and media forces. HRM is heavily influenced by socio- economic and political policies shaping the industrial workplace. In addition, HRM also has to consider internal organizational corporate climate. Thus, HR executives don many hats dealing effectively with many influences to get the best performance from employees. Thus, HRM is not only about profits and productivity. It is about understanding employees. HRM in today's global society is concerned with employee empowerment to

Infertility In Women With Hormone Complications Essay

Infertility In Women With Hormone Complications - Essay Example Infertility is a major concern that affects about 10 percent of couples in their reproductive age. Approximately 1/3 percent of infertility cases that occur are attributed to fertility issues with a woman while the rest two-third are attributed to the man or both partners issues. Thus, infertility is a major issue affecting many women in the reproductive age. Infertility resulting from hormonal complications is a major concern affecting many women that need to be discussed.Hormones involvedA woman's ability to bear children normally occurs at her start of menstruation when she enters puberty. Various hormones are involved, as the whole process is complex. The follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH) is first produced and stimulates the follicles to mature. Once they are mature, estrogen is produced stimulating the thickening of the uterine lining. At the 14th day of the cycle, luteinizing hormone (LH) is produced that stimulates ovulation and leads to the production of progesterone and est rogen through the corpus luteum that supports the pregnancy. Hormonal complications of each of the above hormones on a woman who is in the reproductive age may result in infertility.Polycystic ovarian syndromeAbbreviated, as PCOS it is a condition among women of the reproductive age where the ovaries do not make all the hormones that are needed for the egg to fully mature. The follicles may start growing and even build up with fluid, but ovulation does not occur as some follicles remain as cysts.

Summary of consumer insights and consumer media profile of Kit Kat for Essay

Summary of consumer insights and consumer media profile of Kit Kat for China - Essay Example Its economic growth can be regarded to be slow despite the stability in its trends. The stability of business growth in a country can be attributed to good international policies and relationships with other foreign countries (Chow 211). It has expanded the boundary of its business associates as well as partners. For instance, recently, the country has entered into several business deals with other foreign countries and multinational companies to widen its demand pool. However, its economy is on a slow growing trend, an issue that is of great concern with others counter plating that the country’s economy would likely face a deep fall if the issue is not reverted. Slow economic growth can be associated with inadequate advertisement strategies. This work focuses on limitations as far as media business adverts are concerned. China imposes a lot of restrictions in the media business adverts. Such restrictions are meant to limit chances of consumers being misled by the economy sect or. For instance, it does not allow the mentioning of certain foreign companies, medical institutions, among other elements in media adverts. Medical sector is meant to contribute a good portion to the general national economy, but inadequate medical adverts may force the citizens to seek medical services from foreign medical facilities with comprehensive adverts. The country does not permit business adverts interrupting television dramas among other programs. Business adverts on televisions are considered among the best advertising platform as it targets huge populations, and the advert is more likely to be viewed by majority of people since more Chinese tend to watch TV dramas compared to other programs. China has got several cultural as well as social values that tend to limit media adverts. For instance, children below the age of 14 should not watch several adverts associated with sexual or even alcohol contents. Furthermore, children below the age of 14 should not be featured i n such adverts. China is strict on the language used in the adverts. For instance, the country discourages adverts in other language other than its native Chinese which may not be understood by the majority of the foreigners (Joseph 177). All these limitations in media adverts tend to discourage consumers from purchasing Chinese and other foreign countries’ products. Customers tend to develop negative attitudes towards such products just because of the incompetency in the media adverts. Such limitations also tend to discourage multinational companies from investing in China due to low demand, which is attributed by inadequate or limited advertisement strategies (Kelley 43). China has lost major foreign business partners due to its restrictions on the use of language, materials or personnel from foreign countries in the adverts of its products. Its limitations in its media adverts could have negative effects on its economy but Chinese culture is greatly preserved. China realiz ed that majority of children could be compelled to imitate the concepts or ideas portrayed in the adverts; this would make them lose their originality which is a very vital component in any Chinese lives. Part 2: Consumer insight and media profile Several studies indicate that college age young adults form the largest proportion of chocolates, candy and biscuits among other snacks consumers in China and other countries as well. Kit Kat is a kind of snack that comprises of

Key Events and Timeline of General Electrics Assignment

Key Events and Timeline of General Electrics - Assignment Example Data collected by State Information Centre for the sales of washing machine from January to October 2010, sales of domestic market shoots up to 25.17%. Increase in urban consumption is also emphasis. Consumption rate is drastically improved and future structures are under planning. Operational profit of GE Consumer &Industrial is 2.1% and revenue is 6.1%. They sell home appliances, industrial equipment and other services related to them (Brooks, 2009). General Electric Company or GE is a multinational company in New York, headquarter is in Fairfield. Company is providing their services in four major sectors. These sectors are Energy, Industry, Technology setup, Capital Finance and last but not least are Consumer. According to Fortune ranking, GE in 2011 is the sixth largest organization is US and also ranked on 14th position for the most profitable setup. The other ranking of 2011 are Interbrand ranked them on 5thfor best global brand, Newsweek gives them 82nd position for green company, Fortune gives them a title of most admired one and kept them on 13th rank and Fast Company rate them as 19th rank in innovative company. In 1890, Edison General Electric Company comes in market by the owner Thomas Edison. In the same year Charles Coffin also host the flag for Thomson-Houston Electric Company. The increase in number of competitor introduces new patterns and strategies. In 1892 the merger of both companies, Thomson-Houston Electric Company and Edison General Electric give the emergence to General Electric. The integration of company takes place in city of New York. Canadian General Electric also came in to being in same era (Shim and Siegel, 2008). The future plans of GE are to introduce new ap pliances and technology which reduce the consumption of energy. Energy refers to electricity. Global Research section of GE makes management strategies to control the use of electricity by consumers in home and industry sectors. Many of the research programs want to help the customers globally and face all the challenges gifted by environment. Researchers of GE are studying the techniques to implement systems that will use smart appliances. The efficiency will increase in grid of power-transmission. We can consider any home having multiple electric appliances like washing machines, microwaves, refrigerators, air conditioners and other are working simultaneously will affect the power consummation on overall basis. Consumer will go to pay less as compared to consummation because of proper management control on out of electricity (Tennent, 2008). The basic aim of GE is to introduce such technology in market which is efficient in electricity usage and reduce the use the emission of gree nhouse gas footprints in air. Key Events-GE Timeline 1876 First laboratory in New Jersey opened by Thomas Addison. 1892 Edison General Electric (formed 1890) and Thomas Houston (formed 1879) merged to for m The General Electric Company 1932 GE Credit corporation formed 1942 First American Jet Engine developed by GE 1981 Jack Welsh becomes CEO 1985 GEnie developed 1989 CNBC Developed 1996 Genie is sold out 2001 Honeywell and GE merger 2003 GE acquires Transamerica finance 2004 Partly acquires Vivendi Universal, and fully, InVision technologies 2006 Acquires IDX and Zenon environmental systems 2007 Acquires Microwave data systems, Smiths Aerospace and Vital Signs 2011 NBC sale to Comcast completed by retaining 48% share. Source: www.ge.com General Electric Company Business Model: General Electric

The French Reign of Terror Essay Example for Free

The French Reign of Terror Essay As if the French Revolution were not enough, the French people having endured decades of irresponsible governing and political unrest were plunged into another nightmare of drastic proportion. Indeed, in today’s terms the French terror would be called an act of genocide. The Reign of Terror is synonymous with one man in particular: Maximilien Francois Marie Isidore Robespierre. Robespierre was born in Arras on 5 May 1758, to an advocate father but was brought up by relatives along with three siblings after the tragic death of his mother in 1767. Robespierre himself qualified as an advocate in 1781 and exhibiting profound oratory prowess he became a successful advocate. His fascination of social theory grew into a form of a hobby with his chief mentor being the French philosopher Jean Jaques Rousseau. Robespierre joined a group that became known as the Jacobin Club, of which he was nominated president. This group of intellectuals were often referred to as â€Å"The Incorruptibles† and along with Petion de Villeneuve, the two men became patriotic to the company of France. At this stage, war with Austria was imminent. In June of 1791 King Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette attempted to defect and Robespierre’s former support for the monarchy dwindled. The Duke of Brunswick made full use of this political unrest and together with Prussia and certain non-patriotic French threatened France with annihilation should anyone oppose his entry into France (Age of the Sage, 2008). The Reign of Terror lasted from September 1793-July 1974 and was largely due to the philosophical belief that the guillotine and execution, although terrible and extreme, was necessary for the building of a pure French nation. Rousseau, the philosopher held the belief that no man is inherently evil or born evil, but that society makes them evil. This gives rise however to old argument of whether the chicken or the egg came first. So an estimated 16 000 people between these dates were guillotine in an effort to purge the nation of the trouble makers and rabble of society from January. The corruption that settled into France after the execution of the monarchs, questioned whether or not the monarchy had been so bad after all, since the battles between Austria and France were not in Frances’ favour, those that appeared to be siding with the enemy were, of course disposed of by the Jacobin Assembly. The Committee of Public safety, of which Robespierre and his colleague Danton were influential, ruled France from January of 1793, but it was only in September that the mass executions began in earnest. The Assembly passed from Danton to Robespierre and the real collapse of Robespierres reign of terror came to an abrupt and grotesque end when he condemned his two friends Danton and Desmoulins ( The France of Victor Hugo). At this stage the obvious pressure of power and worse still of maintaining power had taken its toll on the diverse Robespierre. By some misfortune, he believed his own fellow comrades to be conspiring against him. This scenario is not unlike that of the German autocrat Adolph Hitler, whose mantra and volatile personality played out in a similar fashion. The connection is that they both were intent on ‘purging’ their countries and were staunch defenders of their nationality. The simple paranoia that had gripped Robespierre was defined by rumor alone, when it was heard that Danton had been taking bribes from officials and the monarchy, whether or not this was true is met with considerable skepticism. Desmoulin had the misfortune of having sided with Danton on a completely different subject altogether. The fact that he sided with Danton once must surely mean that he is acting in the same way as Danton and is therefore also not adverse to corruption. The cycle of paranoia is in the end the very rationale that sent Robespierre to his death on 28 July 1794 (Ibid. ). The rationale used by Robespierre was one of intense self-delusion. The only man to decide what was right and what was wrong, he allowed no other arguments to sway his opinion. With the death of his two friends, he had crossed the barrier between seeking what was good and right for the people and what satisfied himself. In modern terms he could be termed Narcissistic, a disorder associated with many of the modern autocrats including Adolph Hitler and Saddam Hussein. That there was something wrong with the ideology of purging the nation may not have been the chief problem, the problem was his meteoric and shadowed rise to power. At this stage some of the members of the Committee planned the coup of Robespierres power, fearing their own lives to be in danger. He was arrested the day before his execution, the Committee not leaving room for his defense or release (Ibid. ). But Robespierre did not go to the guillotine alone, nineteen followers were also sentenced, including Louis St Just and Georges Couthon (Age of the Sage, 2008) A moral question inevitably rears its head within the context of the story of Robespierre: at what stage does a good idea become a horribly bad one? At what stage does one the power of a group of people pass to one person, and why? Moral high-ground in this case argues that yes, society should be purged of those who corrupt it, but who is granted the soul power with which to judge these people? In addition to this is the philosophical question Robespierre himself might have asked: what are the just deserts? Just deserts, contemplated by the ancient philosophers such as Socrates, Plato and Aristotle would say that to each person should be given the penalty they deserve for the crime they committed. A person convicted of treason of felony, would be measured not in the same way as one convicted for murder. This would not give Robespierre or his compatriots grounds by which to execute those who have not committed murder, or those who cannot be tried beyond reasonable doubt for what they have allegedly done. This was Robespierres prime downfall. But Robespierre was not alone in his plight to rid France of the corrupt. He numbered about 19 supporters close to him. Along with Danton and Desmoulins was also the likes of Marat and the upstart St Just and Couthon. St Just and Couthon were bothe guillotined with Robespierre on that fateful July day. Robespierre is quoted as having said in a proposal to the deputation at Aisne, In the situation in which it now is, gangrened by corruption, and without power to remedy it, the Convention can no longer save the republic; both will perish together. (Morris, 2007). Jean Paul Marat, a Swiss born doctor, died not long after the start of the Reign of Terror, when he was assassinated by Charlotte Corday in his apartment. Marat had suffered a debilitating skin disease contracted from hiding out in sewers after the execution of the monarchy. Because he opposed the trial and guillotining of his king and queen, he was hated by the ruling party of the parliament at the time, the Girondins and had been on the run since his outspokenness regarding the lack of justice in the parliament. The Jacobin Club of course welcomed him whole-heartedly as an alliance, but after his tragic stabbing, the leading forces of the Committee began to weaken. With Danton and Robespierre now the main voices for the cause it was not long before the rot would set in (NNDB, 2008). Jean Jacques Danton had also opposed the trial of the king and had also pleaded for the release of his friend Marat, long before the execution of the monarch’s occurred. Although he was allied to Robespierre, he did not consider him to be terribly bright, yet saw him in this manner as a good scapegoat in the face of the new decision to purge France. To Danton’s demise, Robespierre had his moment of revenge when he ordered Danton’s execution. But Danton died with one phrase that would soon prove to be right, I leave it all in a frightful welter, he said; not a man of them has an idea of government. Robespierre will follow me; he is dragged down by me. Ah, better be a poor fisherman than meddle with the government of men! (NNDB, 2008). Camille Desmoulins and his wife Lucille were both executed by the maniacal Robespierre along with Danton. He was a writer and as a result had great power to boost or shatter any government or parliament. More a friend of St Just than Robespierre, he was accepted into the fold of Jacobin Assemblies and continued to write in favour of the purge of France. Also a fan of Jean Jaques Rousseau, Desmoulins used Rousseau’s statement â€Å"burning is not answering†, to the indignant Robespierre on the day he ordered the burning of Desmoulins Vieux Cordelier. At this stage both St Just and Robespierre were becoming too fundamentalist about their pursuits, using unnecessary means to order the execution of civilians on a whim rather than because they had grievously damaged the Assembly (NNDB, 2008). Memoirs written in a dissertation called Memoirs From Beyond The Grave, by Francois-Rene de Chateaubriand recalls the life of a noble man returning to Paris after the revolution. The excerpt it cutting and altogether rather frank in its description of the Paris under Terror. â€Å"In 1792, when I returned to Paris, it no longer exhibited the same appearance as in 1789 and 1790. It was no longer the new-born Revolution, but a people intoxicated, rushing on to fulfil its destiny across abysses and by devious ways. The appearance of the people was no longer curious and eager, but threatening. The kings flight on June 21, 1791, gave an immense impulse to the Revolution. Having been brought back to Paris on June 25, he was dethroned for the first time, in consequence of the declaration of the National Assembly that all its decrees should have the force of law, without the kings concurrence or assent. I visited several of the Clubs. The scenes at the Cordeliers, at which I was three or four times present, were ruled and presided over by Dantona Hun, with the nature of a Goth. Faithful to my instincts, I had returned from America to offer my sword to Louis XVI. , not to involve myself in party intrigues. I therefore decided to emigrate. Brussels was the headquarters of the most distinguished emigres. There I found my trifling baggage, which had arrived before me. The coxcomb emigres were hateful to me. I was eager to see those like myself, with 600 livres income. My brother remained at Brussels as an aide-de-camp to the Baron de Montboissier. I set out alone for Coblentz, went up the Rhine to that city, but the royal army was not there. Passing on, I fell in with the Prussian army between Coblentz and Treves. My white uniform caught the kings eye. He sent for me; he and the Duke of Brunswick took off their hats, and in my person saluted the old French army†(De Chateaubriand, 1802). In his memoirs, the division in France was obvious, and was not to die even in the writings observed by the writer Alexandre Dumas, whose book The Three Musketeers, bravely holds to the army of the king. The state of France was not only thwarted by impending attacks of Austrian and Prussian power but also threatened by the Terror from within its country, which had originally formed in order to prevent the breaking up of the unity France had tried to maintain. Bertrand Barere de Vieuzac remembers the succession of the Robespierre Triumverate and the request to disband the law of violence as a means to control and prevent further deterioration of the already fragile climate. De Vieuzac had been a member of the Committee and Constituent Assembly: â€Å"As for the Committee of Public Safety, they stated that they had played no role in the matter, and disowned the law completely. Everyone agreed that it would be revoked the next day. After this decision, Robespierre and Saint-Just stated that they would put the matter before the public. They stated that it was perfectly clear that a party had been created to ensure immunity for the enemies of the people and that in this way, Libertys most ardent friends would be lost. But, they said, they would know how to protect the good citizens against the combined maneuvering of the two governmental committees. They departed, threatening members of the committee, including Carnot, among others, whom Saint-Just called an aristocrat and threatened to denounce to the Assembly. It was like a declaration of war between the two committees and the triumvirate. †(De Vieuzac, 1842: 205-206). Another memoir that relates the opposite side of the field are from the Nationalist movement, those opposing Robespierre. Marthurin de Lescure recalls how he stood up against the Triumverate and by some miracle was not executed for his beliefs. His prime argument was that a man cannot be persecuted on the grounds of hi opinion. He remembers the idea of persecution of civilians and parliamentarians simply because their opinion differed from that of Danton and Robespierre: â€Å"Bentabolles proposition requesting a report on my motion was rightfully argued against, since the freedom of opinion is the right of a representative of the people, and that without this freedom, the entire State would be oppressed. Also, far from wanting either a report or a decree on this matter, I proposed that only those who were against this sacred right receive a punishment. In addition, Bentabolles language made it clear how the Montagnards judged the silence of their colleagues on their right. They called them the weak beings, a name which, if they were right, was a serious charge against us, since we were sent by the Nation to uphold its interests. To neglect those interests, or sacrifice them through weakness, would have been a real failure to do our duty. But we only had the appearance of weakness, because, not being able to fight the follies of the Mountain under pain of death, our inertia was but a great strength. We preferred the dangers, the disrespect, the humiliations with which we were bombarded, than giving in to being accomplices of the Mountain for our own safety. Nothing was easier for us than to line up in the reassuring ranks of our dominators. But the price to pay for this peace was worse than death. . . . There was, in the space that separated the Right from the Mountain, a spot in the hall that was called the stomach. Those that sat there were not of the Right, they did not share in our humiliations, but neither did they have the courage to disprove the evil done by the left side by sitting so close. They had nonetheless the silly pride to call themselves wiser that those on their right, even though they were less courageous, and alone deserved the name â€Å"weak beings. †Ã¢â‚¬ (de Lescure, 1881: 410-413). I the end, Robespierre had his day, and it was an entirely necessary part of the French history from the point of view that it draws attention to the dangers of radicalism. It draws the realization that power is both fixating and damaging. Robespierre has unfortunately been reincarnated in the form of Adolph Hitler, Josef Stalin and Saddam Hussein and in time has become the most hated and strangely respected man in French history. The French Terror lasted a maximum of 15 months but killed more than 16 000 people in a vain attempt to rid society of corruption. It is not unlike the ideas of the ancient philosophers, but it has to be remembered that what works in theory may not work in reality. Sources: Bertrand Barere de Vieuzac, Memoires de B. Barere, membre de la constituante, de la Convention, du Comite de Salut public, et de la Chambre des representants, vol. 2 (Paris: J. Labitte, 1842), 205–6. Translated by Exploring the French Revolution project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, French Revolution Documents 1792–95, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes Noble Books, 1973), 250. â€Å"Camille Desmoulins†, â€Å"Georges Jacques Danton† and â€Å"Jean Paul Marat†. 2008. NNDB. Accessed: 11 February 2008. (http://www. nndb. com/people/480/000097189/)(http://www. nndb. com/people/658/000092382/ ) (http://www. nndb. com/people/630/000092354/)

Linguistic Research Essay Example for Free

Linguistic Research Essay When does language begin? In the middle 1960s, under the influence of Chomsky’s vision of linguistics, the first child language researchers assumed that language begins when words (or morphemes) are combined. (The reading by Halliday has some illustrative citations concerning this narrow focus on â€Å"structure. †) So our story begins with what is colloquially known as the â€Å"two-word stage. † The transition to 2-word utterances has been called â€Å"perhaps, the single most disputed issue in the study of language development† (Bloom, 1998). A few descriptive points: Typically children start to combine words when they are between 18 and 24 months of age. Around 30 months their utterances become more complex, as they add additional words and also affixes and other grammatical morphemes. These first word-combinations show a number of characteristics. First, they are systematically simpler than adult speech. For instance, function words are generally not used. Notice that the omission of inflections, such as -s, -ing, -ed, shows that the child is being systematic rather than copying. If they were simply imitating what they heard, there is no particular reason why these grammatical elements would be omitted. Conjunctions (and), articles (the, a), and prepositions (with) are omitted too. But is this because they require extra processing, which the child is not yet capable of? Or do they as yet convey nothing to the child—can she find no use for them? Second, as utterances become more complex and inflections are added, we find the famous â€Å"over-regularization†Ã¢â‚¬â€which again shows, of course, that children are systematic, not simply copying what they here. Chomsky’s Influence Research on child language was behavioristic in the years that preceded Chomsky’s critique of Skinner, and his publication of Syntactic Structures: â€Å"though there had been precedents for setting problems in the study of child language acquisition at a more abstract, cognitive level by continental scholarsmost notably, Roman Jacobson (e. g. , 1941/1968)much of the research on child language acquisition at midcentury was influenced to a greater or lesser degree by the highly concrete, behaviorist orientation of B. F. Skinner and others. Two events were of major important in the change from behaviorist to cognitive thinking in research on child language. The first was Chomsky’s classic review (1959) of Verbal Behavior, Skinner’s major book-length work on the learning and use of language; the second Handout for Psy 598-02, summer 2001 Packer Two-Word Utterances 2 was the detailed longitudinal study of the acquisition of English by three young children conducted over a 17-month period by Roger Brown and others in the early 1960s (Brown, 1973). † Ritchie, W. C. , Bhatia, T. K. (1999). Child language acquisition: Introduction, foundations, and overview. In W. C. Ritchie T. K. Bhatia (Eds. ), Handbook of child language acquisition, (pp. 3-30). San Diego: Academic Press, p. 3-4 note 2. â€Å"A child who has learned a language has developed an internal representation of a system of rules† (Chomsky, 1965, p. 25). The psychologist’s task, it follows, is to determine what the child’s rules are. â€Å"The linguist constructing a grammar for a language is in effect proposing a hypothesis concerning the internalized system† (Chomsky, 1968, p.23). Up to the 1950s, people simply counted characteristics such as sentence complexity, proportion of grammatical utterances, etc. After Chomsky, the search was on for child grammars, assumed to be universal. Roger Brown’s Research In 1956 Roger Brown heard Chomsky for the first time, speaking at Yale. In 1962 he began a five-year research project on children’s language at Harvard University. The historical significance of Brown’s laboratory at Harvard can hardly be exaggerated. The names of students and colleagues who worked with Brown pop up all the time, to this day, in psycholinguistic research: the list includes Jean Berko Gleason, Ursula Bellugi, David McNeill, Dan Slobin, Courtney Cazden, Richard Cromer, Jill de Villiers, Michael Maratsos, Melissa Bowerman, Eleanor Rosche, Sue Ervin (now Ervin-Tripp), Steven Pinker. Brown set out to write grammars for each of the stages of language development, by looking at the distribution of forms and construction patterns in spontaneous speech. In most cases the data allow for more than one  grammatical description. â€Å"The description to be preferred, of course, is the one that corresponds to the way the speaker’s linguistic knowledge is structured, the one that determines the kinds of novel utterance he can produce or understand, how he constructs their meanings, and what his intuitions are about grammatical well-formedness† (Bowerman, 1988, p. 28) â€Å"Every child processes the speech to which he is exposed so as to induce from it a latent structure. This latent rule structure is so general that a child can spin out its implications all his life long. The discovery of latent structure is the greatest of the processes involved in language acquisition, and the most difficult to understand† (Brown Bellugi, 1964, p. 314) Brown collected samples of spontaneous speech from three children, given the pseudonyms Adam, Eve, and Sarah. The corpus of collected data can be found in the Packer Two-Word Utterances 3 CHILDES archive. Eve was visited from age 18m to 26m, Adam from 27m to 42m, Sarah from 27m to 48m. Dan Slobin described the project: â€Å"We paid close attention to the auxiliary system and to word-order patterns, because these had played a central role in Syntactic Structures. We kept track of sentence types—affirmative, negative, and questions—in which use of auxiliaries and word order would vary. Linguistic growth was assessed in terms of things to be added to childish sentences to make them adult-like: the additions of omitted functors (inflections, prepositions, articles, and the like) and transformational operations. We did not categorize utterances in terms of communicative intent—that is, in terms of semantics or speech acts or extended discourse skills—and so we did not look for growth in terms of additions or enrichment of such abilities. Our central concern was with syntax and morphology, with some later interest in prosody. We worried about such questions as whether child grammar was finite state or transformational, and whether syntactic ‘kernels’ were the first sentence forms to appear in child speech† (Slobin, 1988, p. 11). Mean Length of Utterance This simple measure of syntactic complexity was introduced by Roger Brown. Table 7. Rules for calculating mean length of utterance and upper bound (Brown, 1973, p. 54) 1. Start with the second page of the transcription unless that page involves a recitation of some kind. In this latter case start with the first recitation-free stretch. Count the first100 utterances satisfying the following rules. 2. Only fully transcribed utterances are used; none with blanks. Portions of utterances, entered in parentheses to indicate doubtful transcription, are used. 3. Include all exact utterance repetitions (marked with a plus sign in records). Stuttering is marked as repeated efforts at a single word; count the word once in the most complete form produced. In the few cases where a word is produced for emphasis or the like (no, no, no) count each occurrence. 4. Do not count such fillers as mm or oh, but do count no, yeah, and hi. 5. All compound words (two or more free morphemes), proper names, and ritualized reduplications count as single words. Examples: birthday, rackety-boom, choo-choo, quack-quack, night-night, pocketbook, see saw. Justification is that no evidence that the constituent morphemes function as such for these children. 6. Count as one morpheme all irregular pasts of the verb (got, did, went, saw). Justification is that there is no evidence that the child relates these to present forms. 7.  Count as one morpheme all diminutives (doggie, mommie) because these children at least do not seem to use the suffix productively. Diminutives are the standard forms used by the child. 8. Count as separate morphemes all auxiliaries (is, have, will, can, must, would). Also all catenatives: gonna, wanna, hafta. These latter counted as single morphemes rather than as going to or want to because evidence is that they function so for the children. Count as separate morphemes all inflections, for example, possessive {s}, plural {s}, third person singular {s}, regular past {d}, progressive {ing}. 9. The range count follows the above rules but is always calculated for the total Packer Two-Word Utterances 4 transcription rather than for 100 utterances. The title of Brown’s 1973 book, summarizing of a decade of research (his own and other people’s), was A First Language: The Early Stages. A follow-up was planned, describing the â€Å"later† stages, but never written. What is this book about? â€Å"It is about knowledge; knowledge concerning grammar and the meanings coded by grammar. The book primarily presents evidence that knowledge of the kind described develops in an approximately invariant form in all children, through at different rates. There is also evidence that the primary determinants of the order are the relative semantical and grammatical complexity† (58) Here is an early attempt to write a â€Å"syntactic† grammar of two-word speech, first describing only 89 observed utterances (Table 4), then going â€Å"beyond the obtained sentences to the syntactic classes they suggest (Table 5) (Brown Fraser, 1964, pp. 59, 61): Packer Two-Word Utterances 5 Brown’s Two Main Findings Two main findings are described in A First Language. 1. The â€Å"Semantic Look† of Stage I Speech First, that the organization of early word-combinations cannot be described in purely syntactic terms. Brown and his coworkers quickly had to change direction. Syntactic descriptions didn’t suffice. That’s to say, Stage I constructions couldn’t be satisfactorily explained either as â€Å"telegraphic† speech, or in terms of â€Å"pivot-open† grammar. Telegraphic Speech One of the first ways of characterizing 2-word utterances was to say that they omitted â€Å"function words,† such as articles, auxiliary verbs, inflexions, prepositions, and the copula (is). The words that are spoken tend to be nouns, verbs, and adjectives, and their order tends to resemble the order in what one presumes the adult sentence would be. These characteristics make early utterances sound like telegrams. But inflections are omitted too, and these are free in telegrams. And a few functors such as more, no, you and off are found. More important problems are that this description uses adult categories. And it doesn’t explain the productive character of children’s two-word utterances. Pivot-Open grammars Martin Braine suggested that children have simple rules they use to generate two-word utterances. Each pair of words selects one from a small set of words—called â€Å"pivots†Ã¢â‚¬â€that occur in many utterances, and always in a fixed position (either the first word, or the second). For example, â€Å"Allgone† is a first-position pivot: allgone egg, allgone shoe, but not shoe allgone. A second-position pivot â€Å"off†: shirt off, water off, etc. The choice of the second word is more â€Å"open. † Packer Two-Word Utterances 6 But â€Å"the rules simply do not fit the evidence; pivot words do occur in isolation, pivots occur in combination with one another, sentences longer than two-words are fairly common in I, and there is distributional evidence which indicates that more than two word-classes exist† (Brown, 1973, p. 110). Brown and his colleagues noted that adults â€Å"expand† children’s utterances. These expansions don’t seem effective in teaching the child anything new (Cazden, 1965). But they do provide important clues to the researcher. If one assumes that adult expansions are generally accurate interpretations of the child’s utterance, then pivot-open grammars are inadequate because they underestimate the child’s knowledge. (Both would simply be described as O + O. ) For example, Lois Bloom showed that when one attended to context the utterance mommy sock was used by her child in two different ways. The first could be glossed as â€Å"It’s mommy’s sock,† while the second could be glossed â€Å"Mommy is putting on your sock. † A pivot-open grammar would not be able to distinguish these two. From Non-Semantic (Lean) Grammars to Semantic (Rich) Grammars So Brown and his co-workers started instead to describe two-word utterances in semantic terms. They employed a process that Lois Bloom called â€Å"rich interpretation†: using all the contextual information available to infer what the child meant by an utterance. As Lois Bloom said, â€Å"evaluation of the children’s language began with the basic assumption that it was possible to reach the semantics of children’s sentences by considering nonlinguistic information from context and behavior in relation to linguistic performance. This is not to say that the inherent ‘meaning’ or the child’s actual semantic intent was obtainable for any given utterance. The semantic interpretation inherent in an utterance is part of the intuition of the child and cannot be ‘known’ with authority. The only claim that could be made was the evaluation of an utterance in relation to the context in which it occurred provided more information for analyzing intrinsic structure than would a simple distributional analysis of the recorded corpus† (Bloom, 1970, p. 10). The result was the identification of a small set of basic semantic relations that the children’s utterances seems to be expressing. The eight most common of these are summarized in the following table (cf. Brown, p.193-197): â€Å"Major Meanings at Stage I† Two-Word Utterance mommy come; daddy sit drive car; eat grape mommy sock; baby book go park; sit chair cup table; toy floor my teddy; mommy dress Semantic relation expressed agent + action action + object agent + object action + location entity + location possessor + possession Packer Two-Word Utterances 7 box shiny; crayon big dat money; dis telephone entity + attribute demonstrative + entity It seems that children when they first combine words talk about objects: pointing them out, naming them, indicating their location, what they are  like, who owns them, and who is doing things to them. They also talk about actions performed by people, and the objects and locations of these actions. Brown suggested that these are the concepts the child has just finished differentiating in the sensorimotor stage. This kind of semantic characterization of children’s speech continues in current research. For example, the following table is redrawn from Golinkoff Hirsh-Pasek, (1999, p. 151. ) The terminology differs a little, and Recurrence and Disappearance have been added (or at least were not in Brown’s â€Å"top eight†), but other than this the picture is the same. Two-Word Utterance Mommy sock Probable meaning expressed Possessor-possessed or Agent (acting on) an object Recurrence Disappearance or Nonexistence Action on object Agent doing an action Object at location Object and property Naming Possible gloss â€Å"That’s Mommy’s sock† or â€Å"Mommy, put on my sock† â€Å"I want more juice† â€Å"The outside is allgone† (said after front door is closed) â€Å"(Dad) is throwing the toy chicken† â€Å"The car is going† â€Å"The sweater is on the chair† â€Å"The dog is little† â€Å"That is Susan† or â€Å"Her name is Susan†. More juice! Allgone outside Throw chicken Car go Sweater chair Little dog That Susan What Grammar to Write? How to represent the knowledge that underlies children’s utterances viewed in these semantic terms? What kind of grammar can one write? Brown (1973) reviewed several possibilities are concluded that â€Å"No fully explicit grammar proves to be possible† (p. 244). Bloom wrote essentially syntactic grammars, which however included information necessary to give an appropriate semantic interpretation. Schlesinger (assigned reading) wrote a semantic grammar. Antinucci Paresi (optional reading) wrote a grammar that included some pragmatic information too. The following is a grammar for one of the three children Bloom studied: it â€Å"consists of (1) the phrase structure, (2) lexico feature rules, and (3) transformations (Bloom, 1970, pp. 67-68): Packer Two-Word Utterances 8 Packer Two-Word Utterances 9 Criticism of Interpretive Analysis An interesting criticism of these semantic analyses was made by Howe in 1976. Howe noticed a lack of consistency across semantic categorization of two-word utterances by Bloom, Slobin, Schlesinger and Brown, and suggested that the identification of semantic relations actually tells us more about adult interpretation of children’s speech that is does about what the child has in mind. â€Å"Overall, the existence of contradictions between the categories presented in Table 1, the fact that some of the categories are not always mutually exclusive and the fact that it is hard to demonstrate that some of the so-called ‘semantic’ distinctions are more than syntactic alternatives for expressing the same meaning, make it unlikely that Bloom, Brown, Schlesinger and Slobin have produced an adequate categorization of the meanings common to the speech of children at the beginnings of word combination or indeed of adults. [A]ll four writers tacitly assumed that the two-word utterances of young children always express a meaning adults might express using these words and hence their aim was to specify which of the meanings adults might express occur in the first word combinations† (Howe, 1976, p. 34). Howe asserted that (as she later put it) â€Å"there was no evidence that children at the beginning of word combination recognize a world containing agents, locations, and so on† (Howe, 1981, p. 443). It is interesting to read the next rounds of this debate: Bloom, Capatides, Tackeff (1981), Golinkoff (1981), and Howe’s reply (1981). Bloom is witheringly derisive (and seems to miss the point of Howe’s article), Golinkoff is more constructive. Howe accepts Golinkoff’s suggestion that non-linguistic data will show us how a child understands their situation, and she concludes that so far the research shows â€Å"that children do not discover that language encodes roles [played in actions and states of affairs, as distinct from entities involved in actions and states of affairs], until some time after their first word combinations† (451). But I  think there’s a larger point here that I’ll explore in class. Brown’s conclusions about Stage I Brown drew the following conclusions about Stage I: â€Å"The Stage I child operates as if all major sentence constituents were optional, and this does not seem to be because of some absolute ceiling on sentence complexity. In Stage II and after we shall see that he operates, often for long periods, as if grammatical morphemes were optional. Furthermore, the child’s omissions are by no means limited to the relatively lawful omissions which also occur in adult speech. He often leaves out what is linguistically obligatory. This suggests to me that the child expects always to be understood if he produces any appropriate words at all. And in fact we find that he would usually be right in this expectation as long as he speaks at home, in familiar surroundings, and to family members who know his history and inclinations. Stage I speech may then be said to be well adapted to its communicative purpose, well adapted but narrowly adapted. In new surroundings and with less familiar addresses it would  Packer Two-Word Utterances 10 often fail. This suggests that a major dimension of linguistic development is learning to express always and automatically certain things (agent, action, number, tense, and so on) even though these meanings may be in many particular contexts quite redundant. The child who is going to move out into the world, as children do, must learn to make his speech broadly and flexible adaptive† (Brown, 1973, p. 244-245). 2. The Acquisition of Grammatical Morphemes in Stage II  The second major finding that Brown reported in A First Language was that â€Å"a set of little words and inflections begins to appear: a few prepositions, especially in and on, an occasional article, an occasional copula am, is, or are, the plural and possessive inflections on the noun, the progressive, past, and third person present indicative inflections on the verb. All these, like an intricate sort of ivy, begin to grow up between and upon the major construction blocks, the nouns and the verbs, to which Stage I is largely limited† (Brown, 1973, p.  249). Brown found that the 14 of these grammatical morphemes of English that he selected for detailed study were acquired in a fixed and universal order. These are the grammatical morphemes we discussed in an earlier class: affixes like –s, -ed, {PAST}, and small function words like on, in, the. We’ve already noted that these morphemes are omitted from the first word-combinations. Brown studied the way they are gradually added to a child’s speech. This takes place in what he called Stage II. The child begins to explicitly mark notions such as number, specificity, tense, aspect, mood, using the inflections or unbound morphemes. Of course, Brown was studying only three children, but the finding of invariant order has stood up when larger numbers of children have been studied. For example, de Villiers and de Villiers (1973) replicated his finding with a sample of twenty-one children. Brown offered evidence that the order of their acquisition was determined by their linguistic complexity. (That’s to say, the number of features each of them encoded.) (Though he noted too that children differ greatly in their rate of acquisition of these morphemes. ) Order 1. 2/3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Morpheme present progressive prepositions plural irregular past tense possessive copula uncontractible articles regular past tense third-person present tense regular Example singing; playing in the cup; on the floor books; dolls broke; went Mommy’s chair; Susie’s teddy This is my book The teddy; A table walked; played he climbs; Mommy cooks Packer Two-Word Utterances 11 11. 12. 13. 14.  third-person present tense irregular auxiliary uncontractible copula contractible auxiliary contractible John has three cookies She was going to school; Do you like me? I’m happy; you are special Mommy’s going shopping Brown examined each utterance is see whether it required any of these morphemes to make it fully grammatical by adult standards, attending to both linguistic and nonlinguistic context. E. g. , when the child points to a book and says that book, Brown inferred that there should have been a copula (‘s or is) and an article (a). Then he checked how many of these obligatory positions for each morpheme were actually filled with the appropriate morphemes at each age. Acquisition—defined as the age at which a morpheme is supplied in 90 percent of its obligatory positions—was remarkably constant across Brown’s three subjects. Why did Brown study these morphemes? Presumably because they are at first omitted. But more importantly, he was trying to test the hypothesis that children are taught grammar by adults. And Brown found that frequency of exposure (in adult speech) was not a predictor. For example, adults used articles more frequently than prepositions, but children acquired these in the opposite order. Brown suggested that linguistic complexity does predict acquisition. The morphemes differ in both semantic complexity (the number of semantic features encoded) and syntactic complexity (the number of rules each requires). For example, the copula verb encodes both number and temporality. These two types of complexity are highly correlated, so they cannot be teased apart, but in either case they predict order of acquisition. The other important change that occurs in Stage II is that, as utterances grow in complexity, the child begins to combine two or more of the basic semantic relations from Stage I: Adam hit ball = agent + action + object = agent + action, plus action + object The Other Stages of Language Acquisition Each of the five stages that Brown distinguished is named for the linguistic process that is the major new development occurring in that stage (â€Å"or for an exceptionally elaborate development of a process at that stage† p. 59). Thus we have: Packer Two-Word Utterances 12. Stage I. Semantic Roles Syntactic Relations. MLU: 1. 0 – 2. 0 agent, patient, instrument, locative etc. expressed (in simple sentences) by linear order, syntactic relations, prepositions or postpositions. Stage II. Grammatical Morphemes the Modulation of Meaning. MLU: 2. 0 – 2. 5 Stage III. Modalities of the Simple Sentence. MLU: 2. 5 Next the child forms transformations of simple declarative sentences: yes-no interrogatives, question request, negation, imperative. During the earlier stages children use intonation to mark different sentence modalities. Now they begin to use morphosemantic devices to mark negatives, questions, and imperatives. Stage IV. Embedding of Sentences One simple sentence will now become used as a grammatical constituent or in a semantic role within another sentence. Stage V. Coordination of Simple Sentences Propositional Relations Sentences are linked together with connector words. Individual Differences Brown also noted some individual differences among Adam, Eve, and Sarah. Two of the children combined V with N, and also used N for possession: eat meat, throw ball, mommy sock. But the child third combined V (or objects of possession) with pronouns: eat it, do this one, my teddy. These two strategies were found by other researchers too. Catherine Nelson called them pronominal nominal strategies (they have also been called â€Å"holistic analytic†; â€Å"expressive referential†), and noted that they could be seen in one-word utterances also: some children tend to produce single-word utterances that are nouns, other children tend to use social or personal words such as hi, bye, and please. Subsequent research has explored the connections between these strategies and later development, cognitive style, and input differences (cf. Shore, 1995. Individual differences in language development, Sage). However, these strategies converge over time. By MLU=2. 5, sentence subjects (agents) are typically pronominal, and predicate objects (patients) are typically nominal. Packer Two-Word Utterances 13 Directions After Brown By the mid-1970s grammar-writing was dying out. Incorrect predictions had discouraged researchers, as had the problem of indeterminacy: the fact that more than one grammar could be written. Interest was growing in other considerations: in the role of semantics; in cognitive precursors to syntax, and to language in general; in mother-child interaction; and in the pragmatic uses to which early speech is put. In the view of some people, linguistic structures and operations became neglected. 1. How Does the Child go from Semantics to Syntax? We’ve seen that Brown’s research found that the grammar of children’s early word combinations was better described in semantic than in syntactic terms. If this is so, how does a child make the transition from a semantic grammar to the adult grammar? Researchers continue to argue about this. Steven Pinker (1984, 1987) suggests that children use semantics to enter the syntactic system of their language. In simple â€Å"basic sentences† the correspondence between things and names maps onto the syntactic category of nouns. Words for physical attributes and changes of state map onto verbs. Semantic agents are almost always the grammatical subjects of sentences. This semantic-syntactic correspondence in early utterances provides a key to abstract syntactic categories of grammar. Paul Bloom has argued that children actually are using syntactic categories from the start, and he cites as evidence for this the fact that children will they place adjectives before nouns but not pronouns: big dog but not: * small she Some linguists have offered a syntactic description of Stage I utterances. They argue that at this stage children merely have a lexicon and a limited set of phrase structure rules in deep-structure. They lack functional categories such as INFL (inflectionals) and COMP (complementizers). No transformations exist at this stage: instead, elements of the deep structure are assigned thematic (i. e. semantic) roles to yield the surfacestructure. And they have proposed that the lack of grammatical subjects in Stage I utterances reflects the default setting of a â€Å"null-subject parameter. † (Since in languages like Italian and Spanish a subject is optional. ) Lois Bloom (1990b) has suggested that children simply have a more limited processing capacity at this age. Sentence subjects are often provided by context, and so can be safely omitted. Dan Slobin has proposed that â€Å"children create grammars in which clearly identifiable surface forms map onto basic semantic categories† (1988, p. 15). Packer Two-Word Utterances 14 For example, locative prepositions—in, on, under—are omitted in early child speech. They are used earlier in languages when they are encoded more saliently—as noun suffixes or as postpositions following nouns. At the same time, there is a common order of emergence across languages: simple topological notions of proximity, containment and support (in, on, under, next to), with locative relations embodying notions of perspective (back, front) always later. Slobin infers that â€Å"conceptual development provides the content for linguistic expression, while linguistic discovery procedures are necessary for working out the mapping of content according to conventions of particular languages† (p. 15). Slobin has looked carefully at the English grammatical morphemes—and their equivalents in other languages—to see how they are used before they are completely acquired (by Brown’s 90% criterion). He finds that children generally use the morphemes systematically, though their use is still â€Å"incomplete† by adult standards. For example, a Russian child applied the accusative inflection only to nouns that â€Å"were objects of direct, physical manipulation, such as ‘give,’ ‘carry,’ ‘put,’ and ‘throw,’ omitting the accusative for less manipulative verbs such as ‘read’ and ‘see. ’† Children will â€Å"organize systems of pronouns and case inflections; but, to begin with, children will organize these various forms to express particular, child-oriented speech functions† (p. 18). They are using the resources of the adult language to mark distinctions that are salient to them. Slobin has also proposed some â€Å"universal language-learning principles. † These are an attempt to explain observed cross-language regularities in order of acquisition. â€Å"According to Slobin, the child has certain concepts, based on cognitive growth, that are expressed through the language system. Using certain principles of acquisition, the child scans the language code to discover the means of comprehension and production† (Owens, 2001, p. 214-215). 1. Pay attention to the ends of words 2. Phonological forms of words can be systematically modified 3. Pay attention to the order of words and morphemes 4. Avoid interruption and rearrangement of linguistic units 5. Underlying semantic relations should be marked overtly and clearly 6. Avoid exceptions 7. The use of grammatical markers should make semantic sense Knowledge of Verb syntax Lois Bloom asserts that learning the argument structure of verbs, and the syntactic differences for different thematic relations is the foundation for acquiring a grammar. Verbs play a central role in further multiword utterances. Opinions differ, however, on how knowledge of verb syntax is acquired. Bloom suggests that the first verbs are those that name actions (do, make, push, eat). Nouns and pronouns take thematic roles (agent, object) in relation to these actions. Bloom says that this implies that children’s â€Å"theories† of objects, space, and causation are important here. Packer Two-Word Utterances 15 A few all-purpose verbs—â€Å"pro-verbs†Ã¢â‚¬â€are used for most early sentences. E. g. , do, go. With these, verb argument structures, verb inflections, and Wh-questions are learned. Subsequently, the child adds the syntax for negation, noun- and verb-inflection, and questions. And then moves on to embedded verb phrases (â€Å"drink [Mommy juice]†) 2. From Semantics to Semantics Language involves a great deal of categorization. â€Å"The forms of language are themselves categories, and these forms are linked to a vast network of categorical distinctions in meaning and discourse function† (Bowerman, 1988, p. 28-29).

New Public Management In Ghana

New Public Management In Ghana ABSTRACT Ghana local government has undergone several dynamic changes during the course of the 1990s (Charles Polidano, 1999:13). As agent of the central government, it has been forced to endure greater demand for social services despite the budgetary constraints as well as meeting requirements for IMF loans strict conditions In response, there is an attempt by the local government to maintain the quality and quantity of public services by applying business-like principles to governance (Borins, 1995), adopting market mechanisms (Walsh, 1995), and utilizing alternative service delivery (Glover Burton ,1998). These strategies have been championed by proponents of the New Right (Pierson, 1991), public choice (Self, 1993), and the new public management (Borins, 1995) all of whom advocate reduced government intervention into the workings of the market economy. Now as always, the generals of administrative reform prefer to march into action behind a protective advance guard of rhetoric and this rhetoric draws on whatever ideas are globally fashionable. But has the NPM gone beyond rhetoric in local government? The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to review the state of NPM reforms in Ghana local government and to identify the challenges that they present to local governance. In particular, the paper will focus and follow on the NPM selected applications in Ghana local government. III Project contribution The project will allow scholars to understand how the theories of NPM can be transcribed into practicable reforms in local governance. In this manner, the scientific objective of this second degree project is to contribute to the research fields of NPM studies and public sector studies with novel observations and theory. The connection between NPM and civil service has been theoretically explored in depth, and furthermore this project will be a novel scientific contribution to management studies because it extends and elaborates a case study design approach IV My background From 2007 to 2008, I had held a position as a Project Manager and coordinator in charge of National Disaster Management and World Food Program (WFP) respectively of Wa East District Assembly, a wing of local government in Ghana. The aim of these programs is to educate people on natural disasters and sound environmental practices, and also to assess and assist victims of natural disasters. At that level, I have been awarded a scholarship by the Chinese government to enable me further my education in order to contribute efficiently towards the development of local governance and other relevant sectors. This is part of my motivation for suggesting this project topic. V. Methodology Methodologically the project will be anchored in qualitative case-based theory building (Yin 1994; Eisenhardt and Graebner 2007; Corbin and Strauss 2008). The process consists of defining a pertinent research question and then using within-case analysis and replication logic to develop new insights (Eisenhardt 1989; Carlile 2004). The design of the case work will follow Yins approach for using case studies as a research strategy (Yin 1994). In addition, building theory from cases allows for a flexible study where the research design can be altered when new insights or themes emerge. The method employs both qualitative and quantitative data of secondary source. The specific case study design takes its point of departure in a matched pair design; where the basic idea is to review cases to discover insights through comparing similarities and differences. Eisenhardt describes how using pairs of cases to investigate similarities and differences and other cross-case searching tactics of organizational performance, allow investigators to capture novel findings and can lead to accurate and reliable theory (Eisenhardt 1989: 541). The data collection will consist of secondary data; background research and information/data collection from both Ghana local government office(s) and other sources (internet) covering Ghana local government performance from 2001 to date. The data analysis will consist of within-case analysis, data analysis tools such bar chart, histogram, cause-effect diagrams will be utilized as well as outsourcing the application of balance scorecard in needed situations. This analysis will ensure that the conclusions and results are applicable both within the Ghana local government and across the public sector 1. Introduction By the commencement of the 1990s, a new model of public sector management had emerged in most advanced countries and many developing ones. Initially, the new model had several names, including: managerialism (Pollitt, 1993); new public management (Hood, 1991); market-based public administration (Lan and Rosenbloom, 1992); the post-bureaucratic paradigm (Barzelay, 1992) or entrepreneurial government (Osborne and Gaebler, 1992). Despite the differing names, they all essentially describe the same phenomenon. The literature has more or less settled on new public management, often abbreviated to NPM, a term coined by Hood (1991), a persistent critic. Various authors also include privatization, decentralization and downsizing as part of the package (Ingraham 1996; Minogue 1998). This has been a product of a number of factors, including the economic and fiscal crises of the state that called the post-war consensus on the active role of the state in the economy into serious question. In developed economies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, the crisis in the Keynesian welfare state led to the search for alternative ways of organizing and managing public services and redefining the role of the state to give more prominence to markets and competition, and to the private and voluntary sectors. On the contrast, the economic and fiscal crisis that engulfed most developing countries in the 1970s and 1980s led to a rethinking of state-led development which had increased the size, functions and power of the state and its bureaucracy (George A Larbi 1999:112). A survey by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development concluded that new management techniques and practices involving market-type mechanisms associated with the private for-profit sector are being used to bring about changes in the management of public services in countries that have widely varying governance, economic and institutional environments (OECD, 1993a). These practices and techniques have conventionally been labelled the new public management (NPM) or the new managerialism (Hood, 1991; Dunleavy and Hood, 1994; Pollitt, 1993; Ferlie et al., 1996). The components of NPM have evolved over the years. However, as Moore et al. (1994:13) point out; the central feature of NPM is the attempt to introduce or simulate, within those sections of the public service that are not privatized, the performance incentives and the disciplines that exist in a market environment. The assumption is that there are benefits in terms of efficiency and effectiveness in exposing public sector activities to market pressures and in using markets to serve public purposes, and that government can learn from the private sector despite contextual differences (Metcalfe and Richards, 1990:155). Some observers have argued that there are convergent trends (Kickert and Beck Jà ¸rgensen, 1995:501) or diffusion of reforms. (Halligan, 1997) or a globalization of public sector management (Flynn, 1997) as an increasing number of crisis and non-crisis states in Africa, Asia and Latin America are also embracing elements of the new public management approach. A noticeable trend in public sector reforms, in the context of economic crisis and structural adjustment, is that a wider range of administrative functions and the delivery of public services are being subjected to the approach (Bienefeld, 1990; Mukandala, 1992). Interestingly, there has been a long-drawn-out, ideologically charged debate about the merits and demerits of the new public management, or NPM as it is commonly known. The debate tends to focus on the desirability or otherwise of NPM reforms in principle. Advocates and critics alike often accept the assumption that the new public management is universal, notwithstanding that this is disputed by a growing body of work with respect to different countries as well as institutions. The universality assumption is encouraged by the undoubted fact that NPM catch-phrases feature prominently in the vocabulary of civil service reform all around the world (Thomas 1996). Recently, the generals of administrative reform prefer to march into action behind a protective advance guard of rhetoric. Furthermore, that rhetoric draws on whatever ideas that are internationally fashionable. But has the NPM gone beyond rhetoric in public institutions which are the lead implementers? This paper looks at precisely this question in relation to local government. To what extent can the new public management genuinely be called a dominant paradigm of public service reform in the local government? We are almost bound to conclude that the new public management is a dominant paradigm if all we do is look for evidence of NPM-style reforms. But NPM initiatives may be little more than a minor strand of reform, the froth at the top of the glass (Polidana 1999:13). Other reforms, unrelated or even contrary to the tenets of the new public management, may outweigh it in importance. So to be more certain of reaching a balanced conclusion, we must ask four questions in all. First, are public institutions such as local government and others committing themselves to NPM-style reforms? Second, are such reforms being undertaken as part of the worldwide quest towards greater efficiency and cost savings which is said to be the driving force of the new public management (see Minogue 1998)? Third, are the reforms actually being implemented, or are we being misled by the rhetoric of political leaders (and senior bureaucrats)? As I have already mentioned, the rhetoric of reform tends to outpace the reality in any country or institution. Fourth, are reforms simultaneously being undertaken that are unrelated to the new public management or indeed run counter to its principles? This question helps us put any evidence of NPM-style initiatives in its proper perspective. I shall deal with each of these questions in turn. The evidence gathered in this paper also sheds light on the vexed issue of the appropriateness of NPM reforms in local governance. This represents a fifth question which I shall take up towards the end of the paper. Can the new public management work in the local government? As we will see, localized contingency factors-ones that vary from sector to sector and situation to situation within the same country-play a predominant role in determining the outcome of individual reform initiatives. Different situations can call for radically different responses. 2.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 2.1.0 Principles and Practices of NPM At the end of the 20th century, a post bureaucratic paradigm of public management was firmly embedded in many countries reflecting the outcome of the suite of reforms intended to enact a break from the traditional model of public administration underpinned by Webers (1946) bureaucracy, Wilsons (1887) policy-administration divide, and Taylors (1911) scientific management model of work organization. A survey by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) concluded that new management techniques and practices involving market-type mechanisms associated with the private for-profit sector are being used to bring about changes in the management of public services in countries that have widely varying governance, economic and institutional environments (OECD, 1993a). These practices and techniques have conventionally been labelled the new public management (NPM) or the new managerialism (Hood, 1991; Dunleavy and Hood, 1994; Pollitt, 1993; Ferlie et al., 1996). In part at least, NPM was a reaction to perceived weaknesses of the traditional bureaucratic paradigm of public administration (OFlynn 2005a; Stoker 2006), and it encompassed a critique of monopolistic forms of service provision and an argument for a wider range of service providers and a more market-oriented approach to management (Stoker 2006:45). In articulating this NPM paradigm in the early 1990s, Hood set out its key doctrinal components (1991:4-5): 1. Hands-on professional management; 2. Explicit standards and measures of performance; 3. Greater emphasis on output controls; 4. Disaggregation of units in the public sector; 5. Greater competition in the public sector; 6. Private sector styles of management practice; and 7. Greater discipline and parsimony in resource use. Within this new paradigm, the doctrinal components sat alongside four reinforcing megatrends: slowing down or reversing government growth; privatization and quasi-privatization; automation in the production and distribution of public services; and, an international agenda in public sector reforms (Hood 1991:3-4). Fifteen years after Hood (1991), Hughes (2006) in his paper on the new pragmatism articulated four grand themes which characterized NPM: management (i.e. results and managerial responsibility) is a higher order function than administration (i.e. following instructions); economic principles (i.e. drawn from public choice theory, principal-agent theory, contracting, competition, and the theory of the firm) can assist public management; modern management theory and practices (i.e. flexibility in staffing and organization ) can improve public management; and service delivery is important to citizens. As Stoker (2006:46) noted, NPM sought . . . to dismantle the bureaucratic pillar of the Weberian model of traditional public administration. Out with the large, multipurpose hierarchical bureaucracies, [NPM] proclaims, and in with the lean, flat, autonomous organizations drawn from the public and private spheres and steered by a tight central leadership corps. Performance contracts are used across a number of sectors including utilities, transport, telecommunications and agriculture (e.g., in Ghana, Bolivia, Senegal and India). Contracting out is increasingly being adopted in the delivery of public services including urban services (e.g., solid waste management), ancillary health services such as cleaning, laundry and catering (e.g., in Zimbabwe), and road maintenance. Such characterizations provide a good starting point for considering the NPM paradigm, however, there has been a tendency toward conflating shorter reform phases into a NPM catchall. In the Australian context, for example, there were two quite clear phases in the move away from traditional administration, based on distinct theoretical and philosophical underpinnings (Considine and Painter 1997). In the Australian experience, the 1980s was characterised by a post-bureaucratic model of NPM and this was heavily focused on internal reforms and corporate management (Alford 1998;Yeatman 1997). Commonly adopted practices included: corporate planning based on central goals; comprehensive program budgeting; management improvement programs; contract employment for managers; central auditing; and performance monitoring of individuals. The key aims were to empower public servants and increase managerial quality. Following on from this, Australia experienced a marketisation phase in the 1990s which emerged alongside the dominance of economic rationalist discourse (Pusey 1991). This marketisation phase represented an overt challenge to the efficacy of the traditional approach with its monopoly over the production and delivery of public services as it was focused on developing market solutions to government failure. By the time of the marketisation phase it was clear that a new paradigm of public management was becoming dominant and it was during this time that NPM came into its own. In the Australian experience, the marketisation phase rested on the creation of markets in the public sector and the use of contracts to define and govern relationships. For some, such moves signaled the emergence of a new contractualism (Hughes 2003), while for others contracts and competition became the basis for changing the fundamental nature of the public sector (Walsh 1995). Chalmers and Davis argued that, contracting has been established as a standard form of policy delivery indeed as an instrument with few limits, preferable in most circumstances to traditional public bureaucracy (2001:76). Such beliefs were also acknowledged by Deakin and Michie: If there is a single strand that runs through the changes wrought by the neoliberal revolution . . . it is the revival of contract as the foremost organizing mechanism of economic activity (1997:1). During this era, where notions of competition and contracts were so important, the NPM paradigm became dominant As we know, this did not occur without resistance and NPM has been subject to ongoing and fierce debate in the academic literature because it challenged conventional thinking and brought together a range of practices, policies and theories rather than proposing some coherent theory. Notwithstanding this point there has been some agreement on critical theoretical perspectives informing policy makers and underpinning thinking in the NPM paradigm including: public choice theory, principal-agent theory, transaction cost economics and competition theory (Kaboolian 1998; OFlynn 2005a). Public choice theory was extremely influential with Boyne arguing, . . . seldom has the major practical implication of an abstract model of bureaucracy been so widely implemented (1998a:474). NPM encompassed the public choice belief that governments were unresponsive, inefficient, monopolistic, and unable to reach formal goals. In the main this reflected the inherent failures of government: politicians are captured by interest groups and will act in their own self-interest rather than the public interest; the bureaucracy does not necessarily carry out political directions because of the self-interest of bureaucrats and bureaucrats act in pursuit of self-interest rather than efficiency (Walsh 1995). Following this line of argument, bureaucracy leads to resource wastage and budget maximisation in the pursuit of power, status, income, ideology, patronage, discretionary power and ease of management, producing allocative inefficiency and oversupply (Boyne 1998a; Niskanen 1971; Rowley 1995; Walsh 1995). The aim of public choice advocates then was to persuade policy-makers to adopt policies and practices which would import incentive structures based on principal agent theory and property rights in order to increase efficiency and downsize the state (de Laine 1997; Mascarenhas 1993). Despite sustained critique (see for example Boyne 1998a, 1998b; Boyne et al. 2003; Tregillis 1990;Walsh 1995), public choice theory has been critical in underpinning key features of NPM including: separation and fragmentation (Boyne et al. 2003; Self 1993; Streeton and Orchard 1994); competitive markets for public services (Boyne et al. 2003); and preference for private sector provision governed by contracts (Hodge 2000). Principal-agent theory focuses on the relationship between principals and agents and the issues that arise when we assume their interests diverge (Walsh 1995). It provides a means of conceptualising both human behaviour in the agency relationship and the development of organisational forms based on assumptions of self-interest, opportunism, incomplete information, and goal divergence (Althaus 1997). These assumptions predict the emergence of agency issues when contracts are formed and where the actions of the agent have implications for the welfare of both parties (Petersen 1995a). The critical challenge for the principal becomes how to choose an agent and construct incentive structures to align goals in an environment of uncertainty, information asymmetry, and high cost monitoring; and where incentives exist for agents to shirk (Foss 1995). Such structures, which aim to produce optimal outcomes and combat adverse selection and moral hazard, are termed agency costs (Althaus 1997). Hence, at the core of this perspective is the notion that contracts formally setting out requirements, monitoring, reward and incentive systems provide the legitimate connection between principal and the agent (de Laine 1997; Muetzelfeldt 1994). Principal-agent theory played an important part in the NPM paradigm and it underpinned many practical reforms including the structural separation of purchasers and providers to establish contractual and quasi-contractual relationships (OFlynn 2005a). In total, this laid the foundation for a process whereby it was expected that,. . . the government manager clearly articulates the policy, sets the performance standards, and chooses in a competitive market an agent who will faithfully act in the governments behalf to deliver the goods and services so that the outcome sought will be attained (Kelly 1998:205). There has been a continued critique of the appropriateness of agency theory in the public sector. Doubts have been raised, for example, about the ability of purchasers and providers to separate, the efficacy of decoupling policy from delivery, and the ability of purchasers to clearly articulate their preferences in a competitive environment (OFlynn and Alford 2005; Stewart 1996). Regardless of such critiques, however, key characteristics of NPM were built around ideas from principal-agent theory. Transaction cost economics has also played an important role in the NPM era. Coase (1937) set out the crucial role of transaction costs, hypothesizing that an assessment of these costs determined whether transactions were internalized or not.4 Coases (1937) theory of the firm and the associated make-buy decisions is translated as the public sector procurement decision whether public agencies produce themselves (i.e. make) or contract out (i.e. buy) (Williamson 1999). Williamson (1979) extended Coases (1937) ideas through the development of a schema setting out his propositions for the most efficient matching of transactions and governance structures. This ranged from market governance based on classical contracting and formally prescribed relationships and remedies to unified governance (i.e. hierarchy) whereby relationship norms and customs govern behaviour rather than formally written contracts. The most efficient structure is that which best matches specific transaction characteristics (i.e. the levels of frequency and asset specificity) with governance structures allowing for economising on the costs associated with bounded rationality, opportunism, and asset specificity; and an overall reduction in the cost of transacting. Transaction cost economics was important to NPM as it set out options for governments including markets, hybrids, and hierarchy (Petersen 1995b). However, it might be argued that the dominance of public choice theory resulted in a blinkered view of this approach as governments tended toward market governance models. Practice also tended to ignore key writers in the field including Williamson who argued that, [r]ecourse to public bureaucracy for those transactions for which it is comparatively wellsuited is properly regarded as an efficient result (1999:24). In the literature there has been some critique of the application of traditional contracting notions to the public sector, and the underlying assumptions about human behavior encompassed in such theories (Vincent-Jones 1997; Walsh et al. 1997). The doctrine of competition has been central to the development of NPM. While perfect competition rarely exists in reality, governments have sought to pursue activity to stimulate competition rather than replicate pure markets (Townsend 1995). Public choice advocates have been vocal in calling for the discipline of competition to be imposed on public sector operations as a means of improving efficiency: One of the most fundamental determinants of the efficiency of any arrangement is competition; that is, the degree of competition that an arrangement permits will, to a significant degree, determine how efficiently that arrangement will supply a service . . . market . . . [and] contract . . . systems are most conducive to fostering competition and thereby achieving economic efficiency (Savas 1982:80-1). Competitive tendering, in particular, has been a popular instrument used by government. The adoption of such practices carries the belief that planners remain the ultimate arbiters of resource allocation but that gains in productive efficiency can be achieved by some degree of competitive regulation (Hensher and Beesley 1989:236). Competition between bidders is intended to spur efficiency gains and cost savings for purchasers, as market forces can drive out marginal producers (Cubbin, Domberger and Meadowcroft 1987; Domberger, Hall and Li 1995; Rimmer 1994). Interestingly, it has been argued that the mere threat of competition can generate efficiency gains and cost savings within the public sector as internal providers seek to protect themselves from unemployment (Rimmer 1994;Walsh and OFlynn 2000). The applicability of the competition doctrine to the public sector has been questioned in the literature for several reasons including the existence of both demand and supply side imperfections (Kelly 1998), and the absence of conditions required to generate efficiency gains (Wilkinson 1995). Despite such critiques, competition theory has clearly played a critical role in the development of the NPM paradigm. The NPM paradigm encompassed specific assumptions about human behaviour centred on individualism, instrumentality and individual rationality and from here came new performance motivated administration and institutional arrangements, new structural forms, and new managerial doctrines (Kelly 1998; Lynn 1998). Flowing from these perspectives were a set of core principles that sustained NPM: (i) economic markets should be the model for relationships in the public sector; (ii) policy, implementation and delivery functions should be separated and constructed as a series of contracts; and (iii) a range of new administrative technologies should be introduced including performance-based contracting, competition, market incentives, and deregulation (Kaboolian 1998). Within the NPM paradigm, the way in which government was viewed, constructed and arranged was firmly rooted within an economic frame and, from here, policy rhetoric focused on the notion that small government was superior and that government failure must be addressed in order to maximise efficiency. This often resulted in prescriptions built around competition and contracts, with the result being a firmly embedded post-bureaucratic model, not only in Ghana but also in many countries across the world. The practical application of NPM, like its bureaucratic predecessor, suffered from a range of weaknesses which reflected both implementation challenges and fundamental tensions (OFlynn and Alford 2005). For example, competitive regimes have been commonly adopted, but evidence shows that they are usually costly to implement and rarely deliver genuine competition (Entwistle and Martin 2005). Further, there is evidence that such approaches have resulted in increased transaction costs due to the high costs of contract preparation, monitoring and enforcement (Entwistle and Martin 2005; OFlynn and Alford 2005). Minogue (2000) argues that the extensive literature on privatisation, contracting, and the use of markets lacks evidence of any real efficiency gains and that the restructuring and downsizing of civil services (especially in Britain) has produced a decline in accountability. OFlynn and Alford (2005) have argued that competitive government models also lead to fragmentation of relationships which may spur destructive behaviour. A comprehensive list of problems is presented by Lawton (1998 cited in Minogue 2000) who claims the fundamental values of public service organisations have been undermined by competition and the NPM, by limited resources, conflicts between individual demands and public interest, the erosion of accountability and responsibility due to fragmentation, and increased risk-taking. Even the OECD, long a NPM advocate, acknowledged in a 2003 report that the reforms produced some unexpected negative results (OECD 2003:2), echoing March and Olsens statement that reform rarely satisfies the prior intention of those who initiate it (1989:65). Partly this reflected the wholesale application of private sector models and the failure to pay heed to the interconnected and interdependent nature of the public sector. Perhaps more fundamentally the competitive government model failed to understand that public management arrangements not only deliver public services, but also enshrine deeper governance values (OECD 2003:3). The NPM paradigm rested on economic foundations which defined government activity, policy-making and service delivery. Despite a range of weaknesses that have emerged following almost two decades of experimentation and, consequently, Since the 1980s, developed and developing countries have been embarking on public sector management reforms. The following section discusses the public sector reforms which forms the basis for potential paradigmatic change. 2.1.1 Non-NPM reforms An essential concomitant to the development of results-based accountability is the removal or at least relaxation of procedural controls over line management. The idea is, in NPM-speak, to move from accountability for inputs (obeying the rules on spending and staffing) to accountability for outputs (performance). As we have already seen, however, governments have been reluctant to give line managers greater discretion over staff promotions and pay. Some countries have gone further than this: they have tightened up existing central controls within the civil service and introduced new ones. This has often happened in response to the need to bring staff numbers down. Notwithstanding its proclaimed goal of introducing results-oriented management, Uganda actually recentralised the recruitment of temporary and non-pensionable staff because this had been open to wide abuse (Wangolo 1995: 150) when it was in the hands of departments themselves. Until then the government simply had no idea how many people were employed in the civil service. In an effort to control recruitment, other countries have required departmental heads to gain central clearance not only to create new positions, but also to fill vacancies in the already approved complement. More generally speaking, a major thrust of public sector reform throughout Africa and Latin America has been to strengthen and rationalise functions such as budgeting, financial control, staff classification and complement control. Proper execution of these functions is taken for granted in most industrialised countries, which are devolving some of them to line agencies. But these functions remain weak in many developing countries. The World Bank regularly encounters problems such as poor expenditure control and inadequate accounting systems in its client countries (Beschel 1995: 21); while Holmes (1992: 474) notes that many middle-income countries see standardization in the wage and salary area à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ as a prerequisite to improvin